THE LEGACY

• The Evolution of Arab Civilisation

Throughout their long rule of the Iberian Peninsula, peace, as already seen, hardly ever prevailed among the Arabs.  Neither did it prevail for any length of time between them and the Christians of the Peninsula.

The pressing question which faces many a student of Arab Andalusian history is how the Arabs were able to create that great civilisation under such circumstances, and what would have been the magnitude of their accomplishment had they been united, and had they devoted all their potentialities towards creativeness and the spread of their cultural message.

There certainly is a lot of scope for imagination, like seeing a replication of the Andalusian enterprise in other European countries north of the Pyrenees.   For one thing, schools, universities, hospitals, industry and agriculture would have been enjoyed there long before they actually were.

One thing for certain, the church would not have been able to drown Europe, for such a long time, in the dark dungeons of ignorance, fanaticism and superstition, nor blind-fold the eyes of the people to progress and knowledge.  Neither would the armies of Europe have united under the sign of the cross,  for the destruction of the authors of that civilisation from which they ultimately benefited most.

But how were the Arabs able to accomplish all that under such circumstances ?

To begin with, it must be noted here that the Arab, who had emerged from the desert, and who had conquered Syria and swept the Persian Empire as well as most of the Byzantine Empire before conquering Egypt, North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula, was not, as some had described him, as boorish, ignorant and blood thirsty.  For people with that kind of character would have been incapable of creating, within one century, such a great civilisation, nor would they have been able to spread the word of God around the four corners of the world.

Civilisation cannot be created by people whose hearts are void of humane feelings, whose minds are vacuous of any roots of culture and whose character is lacking in virtue and magnanimity. The world had seen many a state or empire rise and fall, before and after the Arab empire, and many of them had disappeared without lighting a single candle on the alter of civilisation for the benefit of humanity.  For it takes other than swords to create a civilisation.

The Arabs, even prior to Islam, had qualities which prepared them for a prominent role in history.  They were known for their courage, audacity, pride, generosity, gallantry and chivalry, and those qualities emanate from noble traits which inevitably incite individuals and nations towards  further progress.

The Arabs did have a civilisation prior to Islam, which was no less advanced than that of the Assyrian or Babylonian civilisations.  However, although their geographical and topographical conditions were not conducive to the materialisation of the tangible aspects of civilisation, apart from what remained in Yemen, they had other aspects which stood out high enough in the pyramid of world civilisation.  The Arab cultural and literary accomplishments had deep roots going far back in history. Their language had developed well above that of many other languages known to man at the time.  Furthermore, the Arabs were, for a long time, exposed to unique opportunities in their trade contacts with many of the most civilised nations of the world, where they were able to acquire a diversified cultural background which eventually helped them assimilate new exposures and further knowledge in the countries they later conquered.  Without that instinctive readiness, the bedouin Arab would not have been able to accept nor appreciate nor assimilate the manifestations of civilisation and progress he came into contact with later on in time.

Neither would the Arabs have been able to accomplish all those stunning victories over the experienced, well trained and professional Persian and Byzantine armies had they lacked the necessary instinctive and built-in ability and courage necessary for confrontation and for victory.  In fact the initial confrontations of the Arabs with the Persian and Byzantine armies were disastrous, in spite of the great courage they demonstrated. For they embarked upon those confrontations not knowing any of war techniques other than what they had practices in their raids against other tribes and trade caravans.  But their combat spirit made it easy for them to rapidly acquire the techniques of real warfare, to get acquainted with the enemy war tools and combat tactics, and to apply their newly acquired knowledge with such brilliance and superiority as to overcome the great powers of the time.

Having accomplished all those stunning victories, the Arabs, thanks to their great sense of pride, concentrated all their efforts towards intellectual development with view to bringing themselves up to the standard of their military and political status.  For they, by then, had created an empire extending from the Great Wall of China to the Atlantic Ocean.  Furthermore, the pride the Arab historically held in his tribe and his people enticed him to bring himself above everyone else,  for he could not accept being second to anyone neither in knowledge, culture or any other aspect of progress.

The role of Islam, in this respect, can not be over emphasised.  For Islam encouraged believers "...to seek knowledge from the cradle to the grave".  Furthermore, the respect gained by scholars in Islam created an incentive towards the furtherance of one's social and public status through learning and education.

However, the interest of the Arabs in fostering civilisation did not stop at accepting the heritage of previous civilisations.  In their pursuit of knowledge they were keen on leaving no stone un-turned.  In fact many of the early caliphs used various means to attract learned men and scientists to teach their people various disciplines.  Emissaries were sent in order to recruit such people from foreign countries at any cost,  even if that necessitated the threat to use force, as happened when one of the Abbasid caliphs threatened to declare war on the Byzantines for refusing to release a famous scientist to take a tutorial post in Baghdad.  For to the Arab rulers of the time, no scholar of exceptional qualities represented a financial burden their budget could not afford, and no social status too high for a good scientist. With this incentive,  scientists from all over the world competed for work both in Baghdad, and later on in Cordoba, where they participated in establishing the foundations of an  education system.

There have been attempts, however, in certain circles to belittle the importance of Arab achievements in scientific progress by claiming that the Arabs had merely copied or imitated previous civilisations particularly the Greek, Indian and Persian civilisations. This claim would have probably been well founded had the Arabs sufficed themselves by merely adopting and using the already existing scientific discoveries.  But that was not actually the case.  The Arabs, like all other authors of civilisation, had built upon previous civilisations.  Civilisations flourish in certain areas, under certain circumstances, and by virtue of their nature are dynamic and proliferous. They thrive through accumulation and fostering. Their mobility is multi-directional. Throughout history there were nations who had deliberately blocked their flow, and even destroyed them, while others had accepted them. The Arabs not only accepted them, but nurtured them and built upon them. They have never claimed that all the scientific discoveries which were attributed to them were their own creation.  Neither could the Greeks, Romans, Persians, Chinese or ancient Egyptians make such claims.  The Arabs, like all the authors of great civilisations have built on what they found, and like all other authors of other great civilisations, have built their great civilisation using useful materials which previous civilisations had developed and, through research, dedication and great ingenuity, have further developed and enhanced the progress of mankind.

In their quest of advancement and progress, the Arabs followed a modern approach of methodical experimentation and practical application.  No existing or developing theory was taken at its face value, and their achievements in the fields of mathematics, chemistry, algebra, trigonometry, astronomy, medicine and metallurgy still form the basis on which many modern technologies were based.  In fact certain scientific books written by Arab scientists were, until recently, the sole sources for  teaching  many  scientific subject, and some scientific theories are still known by the names of their Arab authors.

It  must be noted here that the Arab scientific and literary enterprise was actually launched in Baghdad, with the encouragement and sponsorship of the Abbasid caliphate.  It all began with the recruitment of a number of scientists and translators who first worked on the translation of most great works in the fields of literature, science and philosophy from Greek, Persian, Latin and Sanskrit into Arabic.

The greatest credit for the encouragement of education during the Abbasid period goes to the khalifa Al-Ma'mun (813-833) who, according to Ibn an-Nadim, had acquired this interest following a dream he had of Aristotle urging him to encourage education and sponsor scientists and scholars.

True or not, al-Ma'mun spared no effort to enrich the library of Dar al-Hikmah in Baghdad, which reached the zenith of it's greatness during his reign.  However, of no less importance was the contributions of the preceding caliphs Al-Mansur and Harun ar-Rashid, who had collected some great Greek and Byzantine works in the fields of science and philosophy and had them translated into Arabic.

To accomplish his dream of creating the greatest library of his time, al-Ma'mun recruited the best known translators from various countries of the world, including the famous Persian astronomer Ibn Noubekht, who translated from Persian, Al-Ghazari, who was of Arab origin and translated from Sanskrit, Hunayn ibn Ishaq, a Christian from Hira, who with his son Ishaq, translated books on medicine from Greek and Assyrian.  Other important contributors in that field were Thabit ibn Qirrah, the famous mathematician / astronomer, Musa ibn Shakir and his three sons, Muhammad, Ahmad and al-Hasan, to mention only a few.

Prior to that, a great hospital was built in Baghdad by Harun ar-Rashid upon his ascension to the throne, with the help of Jibra'il ibn Yakhtashu', a famous physician who was the head of the medical school of Jundishapur.  Many other hospitals were later established in Baghdad which were all used as schools of Medicine as well.

From there on, the Arab scientific enterprise followed a steep upward surge and continued to do so for centuries to come, while their language became the vehicle, par-excellence,for the spread of knowledge to the rest of the world, thus establishing the foundations of modern technology and scientific progress.
 
 

• The Role of Al-Andalus in the Furtherance of  Arab Civilisation.

As was the case in Baghdad, it was the ruler who first encouraged and sponsored the spread of knowledge, and the first ruler to take such an initiative in Al-Andalus was Abd  ar-Rahman I who ordered the erection of the great mosque of Cordoba which, like all other mosques, had a dual purpose, worship and education.

When al-Hakam II, the second caliph, came to power in 961, his sole interest in life, as already seen, was the collection, translation and copying of valuable books and manuscripts for the great library of Cordoba which reached it's zenith during his reign, eventually surpassing, in it's contents, Dar al-Hikmah of Baghdad.  In his endeavours to disseminate knowledge among his people, al-Hakam spared no effort in recruiting the best known scientists of the time and encouraging students from all over the country to acquire knowledge.  As a measure toward insuring adequate educational facilities, al-Hakam ordered a school to be built in every quarter in Cordoba as well as other major centres, including some twenty seven schools for the poor from his own private funds.

The first important product of the scientific enterprise in Al-Andalus was the thinker / philosopher Ibn Masarrah (d. 931). Ibn Masarrah was not to be compared, however, with Al-Kindy, the great philosopher of the eastern flank of the Arab empire, who had emerged about half a century before.  The time differential in the emergence of those two thinkers reflects also, to a certain degree, the time lag between the two enterprises, that of the east and that of al-Andalus.

However the most notable scholars and scientists of al-Andalus did not emerge until the tenth century.  Among those was Ibn Tufayl  (d. 1181), the court physician of the Almohad ruler Abu Ya'qub Yusuf (1163-1184) and the author of the famous romance Hayy ibn Yaqdhan;Ibn Rushd (Averroes) (1126-98), the celebrated physician / philosopher / commentator, who commented on the works of Aristotle and Plato; the physician Abu Marwan ibn Zuhr  (d. 1198), who collaborated with Averroes in producing the famous comprehensive medical encyclopaedia; Al-Batrouji, the astronomer; as well as the philosophers Ibn Hazm and Ibn Baja (Avenpace) and Maimonides, the Jewish philosopher, jurist and physician.

Perhaps the most important contribution Al-Andalus ever passed to Europe was the Arabic numerals, which the Arabs had developed on the basis of Indian arithmetic.  Again Baghdad had the lead in this important field where Al-Khawarizmi composed his Arabic compendium of Indian type arithmetic as early as 825.  The much simplified system of reckoning which was based on the use of the nine numerals and the sifr(zero), was finally adopted in Europe, thanks to the translation made into Latin of al-Khawarizmi's treatise, which launched a new scientific school in Europe carrying his name.

Further scientific contributions in the fields of physics, chemistry and mechanics were passed over to Europe by the Arabs of al-Andalus and Sicily which cannot be dealt with in any detail in this general study.  However, some other important inventions were introduced by the Arabs of al-Andalus including the compass, which was originally invented in China, but developed by the Arabs for use in navigation, and the astrolabe which they used in their astronomy research work.

Another important aspect of the Arab development activity in Al-Andalus was the exploitation of sulphur, copper, mercury, lead, iron and gold deposits.  Other important industrial activities which played an important role in the economy included tanning and steel production for use in the manufacture of weapons which became an important industrial activity especially in Toledo.

However, the scientific and intellectual enterprise in Al-Andalus was not restricted to the academic sphere but was put to practical applications in the important fields of medicine, surgery, agriculture and industry.  Many hospitals were established, where complicated and sophisticated surgical operations were conducted.  Veterinary clinics were established to serve the agricultural sector which was well developed.  Artificial insemination was said to have been developed there centuries before it became known in Europe.  In the field of agriculture, highly sophisticated irrigation and drainage systems were introduced and some still form the basis of irrigation systems currently in use.  Also tree grafting as well as drip irrigation were introduced, thr latter through the use of porous clay jars.  New crops were introduced such as olive trees, palm trees, sugar cane, cotton, rice, linseed, saffron as well as berry trees, which were mainly utilised for feedin larvae imported from china for the production of silk twine and textiles.

Agriculture played an important role in the development of many an important industry, such as cotton and linen textiles, woollen carpets, tanned skins and hides as well as paper, which in turn played a crucial role in the spread of Arab culture in European countries.  Until then, the material used for writing was silk produced from silk worm cocoons imported from China.  The process was copied by the Arabs upon their conquest of Samurqund which had copied it, in turn, from the Chinese.  However, in view of the non-existence of this raw material in their part of the world at the time, and the high cost of producing paper based on imported materials, the Arabs adapted the Chinese technique using cotton rather than silk, then later, developed a recycling technology using waste and cheap agricultural by-products.  The importance of this development can hardly be over-emphasised, as it helped launch a cultural and scientific revolution which eventually ignited the industrial revolution in Europe much later on in time.

Thus the Arabs had a lead in this industry over Europe of nearly a century.  The earliest manuscript written on this type of paper known to exist in Europe dates back to 1270.  It is a letter sent by Juanville to king San Luis  following his first crusade to Egypt,.  On the other hand, a document exists in Barcelona,  consisting of a peace treaty between Alfonso II, king of Argonne and Alfonso IV, king of Castille dated 1187, written on paper manufactured in an Arab paper mill in Jativa,  al-Andalus.  This type of paper was also used in the manufacture of paper money and playing cards which were introduced to Europe, together with chess and domino by the Arabs of al-Andalus.  Other products were also manufactured and exported from al-Andalus including soap, gilded glass, gold and silver embroidered leather, inlaid woodwork, enamelled metals, copper ware, ceramics, paints, perfumes, medical drugs, as well as  cotton, wool and silk textiles.  It was from here that the  famous Italian silk industry came.

As a result of all this, al-Andalus witnessed a great economic boom.  The harbours of Seville, Malaga, Valencia, Denia and Almeria were for most part quite congested with vessels discharging damascene textiles and oriental spices, or being loaded with Andalusian products like woollen rugs, furs, blankets, embroideries, pottery, jewellery, tanned leather and Toledo metal work and weapons.

However, the field which gained for the Arabs a most lasting recognition was that of architecture.  For even though a great deal of monuments had disappeared, either with time or wilfully by the hands of fanaticism, including most mosques such as those of Seville, Malaga and Toledo,  what was left of those monuments, like the great mosque of Cordoba, la Giralda of Seville and the magnificent palace of Alhambra are enough to give an idea of the great achievements attained in this field.

To find an answer to the question of how that bedouin, whose hand had stiffened around the grip of his sword, was able to erect those magnificent monuments which still capture the admiration of the world, one needs to go along with him throughout his long march from the sands of Arabia to the door steps of China, in the east and the Atlantic ocean in the west.
 

The Arabs who had come with their new religion and old traditions did not refuse, as some other conquerors did, the legacies of the conquered nations, nor did they refuse the contributions of those who refused to accept their new religion and old traditions. Perhaps the only subject in the artistic field which the Arabs avoided, was the painting or sculpture of human or animal figures which they associated with paganism and the worship of the idols of al-Ka'bah. Otherwise the Arabs encouraged all other forms of art and handicrafts.   Moreover, through the religious and linguistic unification of the countries under their rule, and the removal of boundaries between them, free movement of artists, traders, scientists and men of letters was facilitated which in turn lead to an inter-action between different trends and styles, leading to the evolution of a blend embodying various similar art forms and culminating into what eventually became known as Arab / Islamic art.

However, the most important factor which contributed towards the levelling of Islamic art was that Islam made no distinction between religious and civil architecture, and therefore did not impose specific types of architecture for specific purposes. As a result, Islamic art gained dynamism in quality and in production. This attitude also allowed Islamic art to inter-act with existing art forms common among non-Muslim, as well as the assimilation of such trends, and consequently the enhancement and encouragement of further contributions towards Islamic art without affecting it's essence.

The other important factor which contributed towards the evolution of the identity of Islamic art, as such, was the widespread inter-trade between the various parts of the extensive Islamic empire.  This mobility of objects, traders and artisans  helped introduce the arts of one regions to the other, where various forms were copied and later adopted, and sometimes modified, and eventually merged into one common form.  In this respect, the normative force of Islam itself as the basis of the whole civilisation can hardly be over-emphasised.

We have seen, from the above brief summary, how that bedouin coming from the desert was able to utilise his instinctive intelligence and the outstanding qualities of his character in the acceptance of the heritage of past civilisations and in the adoption, assimilation, refinement and integration of all that acquired knowledge into the melting pot of his traditions and background, and making of all this, the foundation on which he eventually built his great civilisation.

We have also seen how the Andalusian inter-acted with the artistic, literary and scientific contributions of his fellow Arabs in the east, and how he was able to build on this foundation his outstanding monument which culminated in a unique blend characterised by forcefulness of content and gentleness of appearance, portraying the real character of the Andalusian which was a combination of strength and tenderness.
 

• The Andalusian Literature and Music.

It was often said that the Andalusians imitated their fellow Arabs of the east in everything, including poetry. This claim, however, applies only to the initial period of the Arab presence in al-Andalus which was merely an extension of their life in their original habitat.  But when their life style changed with the changes that occurred in their political, military, social and economic life, they gradually adapted to the new conditions of life, and the new way of thinking and expression that was developing, which, in turn, influenced their poetry and other literary expressions. So, although the early literary production was almost identical, in both form and context, to that of the east, the context was subjected to changes reflecting the changes experienced under the new conditions of life. However, a new, and perhaps unique theme developed in Al-Andalus, at a later stage, when the country was subjected to fragmentation during  the era of the ta'ifas which ultimately lead to the loss of many an important centre to the enemy. The new theme centred as already seen around the appeal for help from neighbouring Muslim countries.  Such cries were expressed in poetry.

An important distinction is sometimes made between Andalusian and oriental Arab poetry in that the former is gentler, more translucent and easier to understand. There is less craftsmanship in it's construction and expression. The words of the Andalusian poetry fall gently on the ear and seep softly into the soul and into the heart. This is usually attributed to the gentleness of the surrounding environment where lush vegetation and water were in great abundance. It was for this reason perhaps that their poetic expression, whether in their description of nature or of their sentiments, flowed with the softness of silk and the sweetness of nectar.

However the most famous type of Andalusian poetry which clearly distinguished it, at least in form, from the classic poetry of the east was the muwashshah. The muwashshah is a poetic genre in strophic form, developed towards the end of the ninth century and remained almost a monopoly of the Andalusians, who sang it in their evening gatherings, mainly in choral form.  In fact the muashshah seemed to have developed with music in mind, and therefore the most frequent theme of the muashshah was related to drinking and love and.  However, many other themes, like praise and soufi poetry, began appearing in muashshahform later on when it became a fully recognised poetic form in al-Andalus.

The muashshah was first developed by a blind poet by the name of Muqaddam ibn Mu'afi who lived in Cabra near Cordoba during the reign of both al-Amir Abdullah (888-912) and al-Khalifa Abd ar--Rahman III (912-961).  However none of the work of this poet survived, nor that of those who emerged immediately after him.  This is sometimes related to the  immaturity of their production.  But in actual fact it is thought that, like all innovative undertakings, the muashshah was rejected by the more conservative classical literary circles for reasons related to flagrant deviations from the recognized classical forms.

The credit for the development of the muashshahin its present form goes to  Abu Bakr 'Abbadah  ibn Ma' Assama' who  lived during  the era of  the Ta'ifas. Other important contributors were Ibn Rafe', al-A'ma  Attatili, Yahia ibn Baqqii, Abu Bakr al-Abyad, Abu Bakr ibn Baja, Ibrahim ibn Sahl al-Isra'ili,  Lisan ad-Din ibn al-Khatib, Ibn Zamrak and Abu Yahia ibn 'Asem.  However, the real golden age of the muashshah  did not start until the latter part of the Almohad era.

From the muwashshahthere developed another style of poetry,  similar in expression as well as in form and became known as zajal. But unlike the muashshah,the zajalwas written in the vernacular, which rendered it more readily acceptable by the masses.  Furthermore, in view of the simplicity of it's style, the sweetness of it's sound, the clarity of it's expression, it attracted a broad section of society including the mulladiesand the mozarabswhose interest in the zajal went beyond mere appreciation.  For they joined the Arabs in singing and even writing it. It was only normal, therefore, that certain Romance words and expressions were included in zajalpoetry, although replaced, later on, by Arabic equivalents in view of the difficulty involved in copying them.  Another important factor which added to the popularity of the zajalwas it's spontaneity, for it dealt with daily life expressed in simple words, far from the complexity of the traditional rules of grammar and linguistic bravado. For it was, as Emilio Garcia Gomez said, "a voice from the market place."

Whereas little importance had been attached by the literary circles of the Arab east to the zajalas a literary expression, western historians, like Julian Ribera, Emilio Garcia Gomez and Levi Provencal, hailed it as genuine poetry which expressed the simplest feelings of the masses, in words and expressions used by them in their daily life. To them Ibn Quzman was the imam of all the Andalusian poets, and one of the most brilliant of all poets of the middle ages in any of the languages known then.

It is of particular interest, at this stage, to consider the impact of the muashshahand zajalon Andalusian music and song, and the influence of the local cultural environment and other factors on those two forms of poetry.  However before embarking on this subject, it might be of equal interest to consider the linguistic influences and inter-actions which took place between the two languages used at the time by both elements of society.

When the Arabs invaded the Iberian Peninsula, the language used by the local inhabitants was the Romance language, a derivative of archaic Latin, which was soon to be used also by the Arabs, not only in daily life but also, according to Ribera, in poetry and song.  Furthermore, according to the historian Tifashi, who lived in the thirteenth century, who had it from Ibn Hasib, as quoted by Ibn Duraidah through ibn Sa'id, "....The singing of the people of Al-Andalus was, in former times, either in the manner of the Christians, or in the manner of the Arab camel drivers, al-hudat...".  In fact, many zajal poems contained Arabic and Romance words and expression in the one poem or qasida.

With the establishment of the Umayyad state, however, and the development of the Andalusian cultural movement during the era of Abd  ar-Rahman III (912-961),  the subsequent expansion of the library of Cordoba by al-Hakam II (961-976), and the spread of Arab culture and language among the mozarabs, a cultural and linguistic interaction took place between those two segments of society,  leading to a certain degree of unification between the Arabic vernacular and Romance, where each of the two languages borrowed expression from the other, leading to the development of a medium of expression and communication, a language, so to speak, used by both categories of the population, which was eventually used in the composition and singing of the zajal.

Since both categories were using the same language in this form of poetry,  it was normal for each of the two categories to exchange musical form.  However, the Arabic musical form was more developed and advanced than that of the indigenous one, even as early as the early days of the Umayyad rule, but more so, since the arrival of Ziryab in al-Andalus, and the subsequent innovations which revolutionised music composition as well as the style of performance and singing.  It was only natural then that the Arabic form should dominate the primitive indigenous form and continue influencing the Andalusian singing till the present time.

According to Gregorio Paniagua, the director of the Atrium Musicae de Madrid, the musical form practised with particular brilliance by the Andalusian Arabs was the naubah,which is a series of songs grouped together in different movements according to a pre-established order, and composed in the same musical mode.  According to the book of al-Hayek, there were twenty four naubas corresponding to the hours of the day.  But unfortunately not all of them have survived, and those which have, are not complete. The naubais a complex musical form, without dynamic expressiveness, in which the movements become progressively faster from the middle to the end.  It contains two distinct musical elements: the instrumental and vocal melody, and the rhythm. There is a variable number of melodies, sana'a, preceded by an instrumental prelude.  In addition, another kind of song, the mawwalis interpolated in the course of the nauba.

There was another type of song known as al-inshadwhich was used as a prelude to the naubaand acted as a liaison between different movements.  After the introduction, in one of the prelude forms, the execution of the suite begins according to a basically planned rhythmic organisation.  The rhythm, always complex, is the distinguishing element of each of the five parts which form the naubaand which give their names to the movements: Basit, Qaim-wa-nisf, B'tayhi, Darj and Quddam.

The credit for the written rules governing the interpretation of the naubaand the manner governing the performance of concerts goes to the famous musician Ziryab who was patronised as already seen, by Abd  ar-Rahman II.  Ziryab was also credited with the introduction of the eastern songs of ancient Greek and Persian origins.

Gregorio Paniagua writes "In considering the place of Arabic music in it's historic context, it must be remembered that the Arabs were the first to reconsider the musical theories of the Greeks, to assimilate them and to enrich them.  The influence of this music on Europe, in the middle ages, is much more profound and important than is generally believed.  Almost two hundred musical treatises were written between the 9th and the 13th centuries, some of them of great importance.  These treatises were known and studied in the principal monasteries of Europe.  The examples of the art of these Arab theoreticians and musicians mark the birth of the rudiments of European music as can be seen in the first Romance chants of Christian Spain and southern France, as well as in the development of religious music and plain song. This influence becomes even more evident in enumerating the number of instruments which were to become common property in Europe; some of them were of Oriental or Persian origin, like the lute, the Psalter, the rebec etc. ..."

As already discussed, both the muashshahand zajal,the most typical forms of Arab-Andalusian poetry acquired great popularity especially, but not exclusively, among the masses of both sectors of society in Al-Andalus.  However, the popularity of those forms of poetry and song was soon to spread beyond the boundaries of the Andalusian state. For as the first signs of court sophistication in the Andalusian manner began appearing in the courts of Provence, in France, and later, throughout Christian Europe, the Troubadours, travelling from one country to another, were spreading the Arab-Andalusian music and song on a wide scale.  As early as the days of Troubadours like Guillaume de Poitiers, the zajalwas already clearly evident in songs chanted by those roaming singers.  There are still to be heard, in the north of France, a multitude of ballades and rondeaux written in this form, some of them dating back to the 12th century. The well known rondeau " La Belle Aeliz" from the "Jeu de Robin et Marion" by Adam de la Halle is a pure zajal. In Italy the zajalappeared for the first time in one of the Laudi of Jacapone da Todi, the disciple of St. Francesco d'Assisi.  Also there are many frottoleand Italian songs dating back to the 14th, 15th and 16th centuries which are in zajalform.  It is estimated that among the 417 compositions which form the collection of Alfonso's  ( King Alfonso X  The  Wise, 1230-1284 ) 'Cantigas de Santa Maria', 335 are in zajalform.

The Arab-Andalusian musical instruments can be divided into four main groups:

A. Bowed string instruments, like the Kamanjaor Kaman,(the  parent  of the  violin) and the Rababah.
B. Plucked string instruments, like the 'Oud, Qitrah,Tambur, Buzuq, Qithar, Jank,Mi'zaf, Qanun, and Santur.
C. Wind Instruments, like al-Urgana, ash-Shabbaba, al-  Gha'ita,  al-Mizmar, an-Nay,  al- Qasabah, as-Surnay  and   az-Zamar.
D. Percussion Instruments, like ad-Durbukkah, ad-Daff, al-  Bandayr, al-Qasaba,al-Hallah, aj-Jalajil,  an-Naqqarat,  al-  Qarab,  as-Sinj,  at-Tabl.

We have seen, from the above discussion, that the Arab-Andalusian music was influenced by the music of the ancient Greek and Persian civilisations, and that the Arabs had theorised and refined that music and put it in sophisticated forms, based on thorough scientific research. We have also seen how research helped in the spread of Arabic music in Europe, and how, through the monasteries and Troubadours, it was able to penetrate the sacred music of the Christian world and the royal courts of Europe.

However, while the influence of Arabic music stopped short of leaving a lasting mark on folklore beyond the Pyrenees, it is persistently evident in much of the Spanish and especially Andalusian folklore of today.

To understand better the social and cultural interaction between the two major segments of Andalusian society at the time, and how that interaction influenced the Andalusian literary form,  it is important to probe into the structural background of that society.

As already seen, the Andalusian society was formed of a mixture of races, and the blood running through the veins of its people was a mixture of Phoenician, Greek, Roman, Vandal, Visigoth and Arab blood,  among others.  There are, of course, no figures regarding inter-marriages, but in the course of eight centuries, inter-marriages must have been, to a large extent, common place.  In fact, the similarity between the Andalusians of today and the Arabs is quite evident.

As for the characteristics of the Andalusian Arab, perhaps the most prominent feature was pride and dignity, which is still one of the most prominent characteristic of the Andalusians of to-day.  That perhaps explains why in Al-Andalus there were hardly any beggars to be seen around, for the Andalusians had deep-rooted abomination to stretched hands if such hands were able to work. This might also explain the thrifty character of the Andalusians of the past as well as the Spaniards of today. The fear of need was, and still is, the underlying factor.

The Andalusian Arabs were known for their cleanliness.  The famous historian al-Maqqari writes, "...The Andalusians were the most stringent people with regards the cleanliness of their attire and their homes.  Some might not have enough to buy food, but with what they had, they would rather buy soap to wash their clothes..."

As to clothing, the Andalusians, with the exception of the faqihs(jurists) and qadis(judges), soon gave up the traditional turbans in favour of the burnos,similar to that still used in Morocco, with a ghafira(shawl) wrapped around their necks and the edges thrown behind their backs. The ulama',religious scholars groomed their hair with a braid which they brought forward from behind their left ear. The Andalusian women dressed quite elegantly, wore a lot of jewels, and had an air of extravagance around them.  Most of them were veiled and illiterate, although some had ranked quite high in the literary sphere like Wallada bint al-Mustakfi, Hafsa bint al-Hajj al-Ghirnatiyyah, Um al-Kiram bint al-Mu'tassem and I'timad, the concubine of Al-Mu'tamid ibn Abbad, to name only a few.

The Andalusians had a great passion for education, and spared nothing in order to acquire it.  Mosques were always full of students and scholars who were eager to learn more from the masters. The scholars and educators enjoyed a remarkable status in the Andalusian society.

In addition to education and poetry, the greatest passion of the Andalusians centred around music and song, and in this field, like the field of education, Al-Andalus had an abundance of musicians, singers and dancers of both sexes, and Seville boasted of it's leadership in this field. It was said that when musicians died in Al-Andalus, their instruments were taken to Seville to be sold, and when writers died, their books were taken to Cordoba.  It was also said that the Andalusian preferred living on mere subsistence but with song to living in abundance without it.

Chivalry, however, was perhaps the most prominent characteristic of the Andalusian Arab.  True chivalry, for the Arabs, as well as for the Europeans who cultivated it later on in time, had it's conditions. To become a real faris, (caballiero or knight),one had to have certain attributes: Virtuousness, dignity, gentleness, physical strength, eloquence, poetic talent, horsemanship and a mastery in the use of the sword, the spear and the arrow.