THE BEGINNING  OF  THE  END
 

 The Ta'ifa Mini States (1019-1141 )

The Arab rule of Al-Andalus had completed it's third century when the chief minister Abul-Hazm Jahwar held the reigns of power in Cordoba in the year 1031 .  During those three centuries, no serious attempt had been made by any of the Arab rulers to build the badly needed foundation for safeguarding the integrity of the state against persistent endeavours aiming at it's fragmentation. A few of the more far-sighted and broad-minded rulers were able, from time to time, to hold together the squandered parts, contain the heterogeneous pieces of the social mosaic and maintain the unity of the nation. But the signs of cohesion tended to disappear with the disappearance of the ruler who had patiently laid down those squandered parts, and soon enough the pieces of mosaic were again dispersed and tribalism  polarised.   Most rulers, however, rather than cementing together the dispersed pieces on a common national foundation, and dissolving the incompatibilities between the various elements of society, had often encouraged such fragmentation and maximised controversies in pursuance of the principle of divide and rule.

There were however, other reasons which led to conflict, one such reason was the tendency among certain rulers to recruit large numbers of mercenaries from various ethnic origins mainly Slav, who eventually became the most influential single element in the army.  The rationale behind that was that such elements were unlikely  to be dragged into internal politics or swayed one way or the other by tribal interests, since the major internal threat confronting the ruler emanated usually from other noble Arab families and clans.

Needless to say, the result of this policy was catastrophic.  For the critical gap which stood between the various Arab tribes and between them and the Berbers who constituted the other major faction of society widened even further, and the fire which tended to subside was often re-kindled.

Some rulers, like the last Umayyad caliphs, joined forces even with the Berbers, after the over-throw of Shanjul, and fought against their fellow Arabs who resisted the resurrection of the Umayyad dynasty.  When, through the help of the Berbers, they were able to subdue their enemies, the Umayyads, under Al-Musta'in Billah, divided their domain between their supporters and the Berbers, while the surviving Amerids established their own little city states. Thus many of the less powerful Arab factions fell victim to the growing might of the Berbers who were able to break the back of most Arab societies and establish their own independent petty-kingdoms in various parts of Al-Andalus.

When the chief minister Abul-Hazm Jahwar toppled down the Umayyads in 1031, the central government control, feeble as it was, was restricted to a limited area consisting of Cordoba, Jaen and Baeza.  The rest of the territories that had been under the unified rule of the caliphate became divided between the various ta'ifas (families), and petty kingdoms. The ta'ifasruled independently, had their own little armies, and coined their own titles.  The total number of such ta'ifas reached some twenty eight, but were later reduced by the process of annexation or re-distribution.

Amidst the political chaos which Muslim Andalucia witnessed under the those petty states, an aura of elevation, similar to what Cordoba had witnessed during it's brilliant days, prevailed throughout the land.  However progress in that direction was restricted mainly, but not totally, to the literary field.  For with the multiplicity of rulers, the scope for competition was enhanced, and the writing of panegyric poetry in praise of the ruler, became a lucrative and easy way of earning a living.  There was even more diversity in poetic themes, which, in fact, reflected the spirit of the era, that was characterised by dispersion, irresponsibility and particularism.  Apart from the classic themes pursued by Andalusian poets in general, an increasing amount of poetry was now being devoted to praise, defamation and debauchery,  in addition to a new theme, hitherto unknown in Arabic literature namely, the appeal for military suppost in poetic form..  For when the petty kingdoms finally felt the danger of extinction, with the growing might and determination of the Christian kingdoms of the north, they pleaded to their fellow Muslims of Al-Maghrib to rescue them from the attacks of the Christian enemy.   This was expressed in poetry by court poets on behalf of the rulers, and addressed to those rulers in a position to extend help.

Paradoxically, Seville reached the zenith of it's glory during this period, as the sun of the Arabs was beginning to steadily fade away.  It was during the 'Abbadi era that Seville attained her beautiful mature age.  For to the 'Abbadis, there was little in life worth cherishing more than poetry and song. Their kings wrote poetry, sang poetry and cried poetry.  In fact their infatuation with poetry was such that they addressed each other in poetry, corresponded, with both their friends and enemies in poetry, and sought the help of their Moroccan brothers in poetry.  The most famous of those poet kings was, of course, Al-Mu'tamid ibn 'Abbad.

During the days of Ibn 'Abbad, Seville shone in the art of poetry over all of Al-Andalus. It was said that no other place enjoyed the pleasure of music and song as Seville did during the days of Ibn 'Abbad, and no place cried as much as did Seville when Ibn 'Abbad was forced out to his exile in Morocco.

But Seville was not totally submersed in buffoonery as that might suggest,  and although it had never attained the standard of Cordoba, which traditionally attracted the scholars and scientists to its academic environment, Seville had it's fair share in the progress of culture and the spread of knowledge especially during the eras of Almoravids and Almohads.

As to architecture,  Seville's contributions came somewhat later on in time, except for the Great Mosque of Umar ibn 'Adabbas,  built at the orders of Abd ar-Rahman II in 830 to become one of the most magnificent mosques in Al-Andalus. This mosque was, however completely demolished by the Christians after the fall of the city into their hands and replaced by a church.

Another Great Mosque was built by the Almohad sultan Abu Ya'qub Yusuf in 1172, which also met with the same fate at the hands of the Christians. This great mosque was built where the Great Cathedral now stands, in the heart of Seville, and which is considered the second greatest cathedral in the world after St. Peter's in Rome as regards size and richness. The size of this cathedral gives an indication of the size of the Great Mosque which stood before.  For the Cathedral was said to have been built on the same area of the Great Mosque. One consolation for this unfortunate act was that the great tower was spared in order to be used as the cathedral tower now called La Giralda which is considered the greatest tower ever built by the Arabs throughout their history.

Work in the construction of the Great Mosque was said to have lasted four years without stopping neither during the torrential rain nor the scorching sun of Seville.  The Great Mosque, which had almost the same size as that of the Great Mosque of Cordoba, was, according to accounts of certain historians, an embodiment of greatness and majesty. It was said that more material was put in the foundations than in the actual structure. This perhaps explains the fact that it withstood the earthquake which destroyed most of Seville in 1755.

A bridge was said to have been built connecting the Great Mosque with the ruler's palace near by, where the Alcazar stands now. La Giralda which was retained to serve as the Cathedral tower was later topped by a structure to house the bells, on top of which a wind indicator was installed, hence the name La Giralda. The remaining part of the Islamic tower is 96 meters high, and is made up of seven stories with an ascending spiral passage way.  Around every story are balconies built in Arab style overlooking the city from all directions. Where the bell housing stands, there used to be four great golden spheres of graduating sizes, held on top of each other, by an iron rod fixed to the top of the tower.  The mounting of those spheres upon the completion of the construction of the Great Mosque in 1198, was carried out with a pompous celebration to suite the occasion. The spheres were covered with textile to protect them during the lifting and installation operations, and when that was performed, the textile was removed, exposing the shining gold surface of the four great spheres to the bright sunlight and spreading it in a blinding reflection that could be seen from a two days walking distance.

 Apart from the tower, the only things left of the Great Mosque is it's orange courtyard and one of the gates from which a big beautiful bronze knocker hangs and still attracts the attention of many admiring eyes.

Close to the sight of the Great Mosque, where the Cathedral now stands, is the famous Alcazar, the immortal gem of Seville. The Alcazar, which comes from the Arabic word al-Qasr (the Palace), was ordered built by king Pedro the Cruel on the sight of the Arab rulers' palace, employing Arab artisans, architects and masons, who remained under the rule of the Christians and became known as Mudejars. Thus, those who once glorified Islam with their skill and art, and decorated the palaces of their Muslim rulers, had to replicate that for the kings of their enemy.

Other important Arab monuments include the splendid Burj Adhahab (Torre del Oro, Gold tower), which was built as a watch tower with a golden dome, thus it's name. This tower also had a spiral passageway to allow horsemen climb to the top on horse back.

In the field of science, however, some initiative was undertaken by the 'Abbadis of Seville and the Hud sultans of Zaragoza aiming at the encouragement and sponsorship of scientists, as did the Umayyad caliphs.  However most other  petty kings, were more concerned with  maintaining their little kingdoms at any cost including their pride and dignity. In fact, some were already paying the jiziah (capitation tax) to the Christian kings for their protection from their fellow Muslims.

The  profile of the Iberian Peninsula was taking a sharp turn.  For while the Muslims were becoming more deeply divided and dispersed, the Christians in the north were becoming more solidly united;  and while it was the Christian kings who had paid the jiziah to the Muslim kings for over three centuries, they now became the receiving end.  And so the lowly was rising, and the lofty sinking rapidly into the sticky mud of humiliation and disgrace,  and the proud sabres of the Arab conquerors returned to their sheaths never to be brandished except against their fellow Arabs.

The attitude of indifference among the Arab rulers continued unabated,  and the growing threat posed by the ever more daring Christian kings did not seem to ring any bells of peril in their deaf ears.  To each his own, was the motto of that era.  Danger seemed to threaten others, not them.  They had the protection of their Christian allies, and therefore felt immune to the vagaries of time.

The irony was painful. For while Al-Muqtader Billah, the famous sultan of the Hud dynasty of Zaragoza was proudly boasting, in verse, of his glorious palace which was more dear to him than the whole kingdom, Alfonso VI, the Castillian king was proudly addressing his soldiers at the  strategic port of Tarifa which he had just captured from the Arabs in the south,  '... This is the furthest point of Al-Andalus and my soldiers shall here remain'.

While this daring campaign kindled the feeling of national pride among the Christians in the north, the ears of Arab rulers remained deaf, and the idea of unifying their forces to quell an imminent danger did not dawn upon their minds.  Instead they all went to Al-Mu'tamid ibn Abbad in Seville, who was the most powerful of the Ta'ifa kings, with the purpose of holding  a  'summit'  meeting to 'discuss' the situation.  The discussions, however, did not touch upon the most logical recourse namely, unity. For unity, of course, entailed sacrifice, and the concept of sacrifice was not a subject to be considered by them. Sacrifice was the duty of others. And it was those 'others' they were looking for.

Ibn 'Abbad, the senior king of the ta'ifasmajestically pointed his finger to the south, to Al-Maghrib, where the Almoravids were then in power.  The Almoravids were Berbers.  "Two sabres cannot enter into one sheath", was the immediate reaction of the members attending the 'summit'.  With equal eloquence, and with the unmistakable tone of wisdom, the senior monarch replied, "Is not the herding of camels better than the herding of pigs ?".

It was the eloquence, rather than logic which convinced the petty kings of the petty ta'ifa kingdoms attending the 'summit', to seek the help of al-Moravids.
 

Al-Murabitun (Almoravids): 1101-1160

Almoravids came to the rescue of their fellow Muslims without any delay in the year 1086 under the leadership of Yusuf ibn Tashfin, the founder of their state in Al-Maghrib. Upon landing on the Iberian soil, Ibn Tashfin attacked the forces of Alfonso VI and badly defeated them in the battle of Zallalaqa (Sagrajas).

Following this victory, Ibn Tashfin returned home, leaving behind certain regiments of his army as a measure of precaution. The petty kings, having been rescued and convinced that the two sabres did not, after all, have to enter into the same sheath, resumed life as usual; as if nothing had happened,  as if Ibn Tashfin had eradicated the danger of the Christian kingdoms for ever.

On the other hand, the Christians, who had never succumbed to the Arab invasion of their country, in spite of their dispersion, disunity and struggle for power within their own ranks too, and who had offered thousands upon thousands of lives in order to regain their land and freedom, and who fought the Muslim state even when it was at the zenith of it's might, and had suffered an endless number of defeats, did not fall prey to despair after that devastating defeat.  They knew that their enemy had gone beyond the point of no return in their disunity and decadence.  They knew that the occupation of their land, like the occupation of any other land, was doomed to come to an end, no matter how long it lasted. They knew that it was time for that foreign body to be rejected and done with.  Their struggle continued, cautiously at first, devouring, as they did, the little squandered parts of the petty kingdoms, then gushing like a flood that threatened to sweep entire domains.
 
 

The screams for help came this time, in the form of moving poetry, not from the kings, as before, but from the commons.
Ibn Tashfin was again moved, and in the year 1090, four years after his first campaign, he crossed the straits from Al-Maghrib, and again defeated the enemy of Islam.  This time, however, Ibn Tashfin, who had been closely monitoring developments in Al-Andalus, deposed most of the petty kings, and gradually regained most of the territory that had been under the control of the central government during the caliphate era.  About ten years later, Ibn Tashfin annexed Al-Andalus to his state, with Marrakush as the capital. For the sake of legitimacy, Ibn Tashfin requested the bay'ah (oath of allegiance) from the faqihs and religious leaders of Al-Andalus, which was duly pledged with the blessings of the Abbasid caliphate in Baghdad which conferred upon him the title of Amir al-Muslimin (Commander of the Muslims).

But before reviewing the Moravid era in Al-Andalus, and in order to understand better how they had influenced those events, it is important to trace the origin of this movement which was able to spread it's wings on large parts of the Iberian peninsula and north Africa.

The creation of Almoravid state was quite accidental.  The movement was never envisaged to be political.  It was not planned to be even a movement.  The founder of what developed into the Moravid movement was one of the chiefs of the big Berber tribe of Sinhaja which reigned over Mauritania.  The chief, whose name was Yahia al-Kiddaly, was not happy with the way his people were practising their religion.  He entrusted a faqih, (cleric), by the name of Abdullah al-Ghazuli, with the duty of educating his people in the sound practices of Islam.  But the members of the tribe, who were leading a life of relative chaos were not prepared to succumb to the spiritual and physical discipline required of a good Muslim, and so, what started as a crowd, thinned down to a handful of frustrated followers who soon moved with their master to a distant ribat (an outpost for religious fighters), way out in the desert, where al-Ghazuli resumed his duties and prepared his students to go out and start educating people in the proper principles of Islam.

Hardly twenty years had passed when this faqih was able to create a sizeable group of followers, well versed in the teachings of their religion, and well prepared to carry the message through.  When al-Ghazuli felt strong enough to launch an aggressive campaign against corruption and lawlessness, and direct people towards the true ways of Islam, which called for righteousness and devotion to the creator, he took to the street announcing jihad(holy war) in the name of God.

But al-Ghazuli did not live long enough to reap the harvest of his efforts, for he was killed during a clash with the authorities, and was succeeded by one of his followers by the name of Al-Lamtuni. But the latter soon relinquished the leadership of what became to be known as Al-Murabitun (from ribat), or as Al-Mulathamun (veiled), as they used to wear a veil covering the lower part of the face), in favour of his cousin Yusuf bin Tashfin.  It took Ibn Tashfin little time to grasp power, unify Al-Maghrib under his leadership and spread his rule over the whole area from Al-Maghrib to Sudan and the river Niger, to which he later added, as we have seen, the Muslim territory of Al-Andalus.

When Yusuf ibn Tashfin died in the year 1106, the Moravid state was at it's zenith.  He was succeeded by his son Ali bin Yusuf.  Ali, however was not a statesman.  He was too religious for that, and whatever time he had available to him, he spent in worship or in reading religious books,  leaving state affairs to chance, while his heavy religious shadow was being felt with growing distaste and rejection.  The inevitable result was the weakening of the state and the gradual demoralisation of the army, while many of the Muslim strongholds in Castille, Aragon and Portugal, among others ,were falling, one after the other into the hands of the Christians.

Finally the expected happened.  The state of Al-Murabitun was overthrown in the year 1145, by another Berber religious movement known as Al-Muwahhidun  (Al-Mohads), under the leadership of Ibn Tumart.

However, the Almoravids did not disappear without leaving their finger prints upon the scientific and literary life of both Al-Andalus and Al-Maghrib. For while Yusuf ibn Tashfin was administering the state, he opened up to scientists, poets and men of letters and sponsored some of the greatest scientists and thinkers of Al-Andalus.   It was also during the Almohad period that the muashshah and zajal, the two famous poetic forms developed in Al-Andalus, reached their golden age. In this respect, the importance of the tole of the Moravid rulers in sponsoring and encouraging poets like Ibn Quzman, described by Emilio Garcia Gomez as "one of the best poets of the middle ages in any language", cannot be be over emphasized.

Furthermore, the incorporation of Al-Andalus under the Moravid rule, which then encompassed a vast area with a great military might, had a positive impact on the morale of the Andalusians which had sunk  to it's lowest ebb, prior to the intervention of Almoravids,.  Thus the two parts of the new unified state became complementary, with Al-Maghrib providing Al-Andalus with the much needed protection and moral support, while Al-Andalus was paying back with knowledge and culture.  Needless to say, this exchange played a major role in enriching the scientific, literary and cultural movement in both parts of the nation, and in improving the economic life of the people and their social integration into one unified family, away from political and ethnic differences.

Al-Muwahhidun (Almohads): 1151-1268

The basis on which the Almohad state was established was almost identical, in form and in motive, to that of the Almoravid state.  Both movements were created by Berbers, both were taken to the threshold of power by a religious leader who could not accept the way his people lived and the way they practised their religion.  Both had started preaching passively until they had enough followers to be able to challenge the authorities and grasp power from their hand.

The Almohad movement was founded by a member of the Musamidah Berber tribe in Al-Maghrib by the name of Muhammad ibn Tumart who claimed he was a descendant of the prophet Muhammad.

When he returned to his tribe in 1121, having completed his studies in the Arab east, where he had concentrated on the  theories of Al-Ash'ari and Al-Ghazali, Ibn Tumart won a reputation of sanctity and was able to gain a substantial following among his people, thanks to his unbeatable eloquence and his puritan way of life. The theme of his teachings was the affirmation of the unity of God,  tawhid, thus the name of the movement, Al-Muwahhidun, (those who affirm the unity of God).

Ibn Tumart, however, practised his fanaticism rather excessively.  He allowed no compromises,  and like all fanatic fundamentalists, no elasticity.  He antagonised everybody and interfered in the private life of all, spilling wine wherever he saw it and smashing musical instruments wherever he heard one and insulting the impudent wherever he encountered one, even the rulers did not escape the venom of his deadly tongue.

But his courage in challenging the corrupt Moravid rulers,  his unquestionable straight forwardness and unshakeable belief in what he was preaching had counter-balanced his objectionable aggressiveness among the masses. He was, however, finally accepted as their advocate and leader.  By then the rulers became weary of his behaviour, and were ready to clamp down on him.  Fearing this, Ibn Tumart retreated to his tribe, accompanied by his followers, where he continued instructing and preparing them for the religious campaign throughout the country.

The teachings of Ibn Tumart spread with increasing vigour, not only within his own tribe, but among many other tribes which flocked towards him for more knowledge.  The gravity of the situation compelled the Moravid authorities to launch a campaign in 1120, with view of crushing the movement.  However all efforts in that direction were in vain, and the confrontation between the Moravid state and Almohads under the leadership of Ibn Tumart continued until he died in 1129. His death, however, had no significant effect on the morale of his followers, for the gap was immediately filled by an equally efficient and devoted leader by the name of 'Abd al-Mu'minin Ibn Ali al-Kumi who continued the struggle until he put an end to the state of Almoravids, and established the state of Almohads in the year 1151, with Marrakush (Marakesh) as it's capital.

Abd al-Mu'min was not completely new to the people of Al-Andalus.  For they had previously sent a delegation offering him the bay'ah as their leader and beseeching him to save them from their Christian enemies who were then steadily annexing one Muslim foothold after the other, while the Moravid state was rapidly disintegrating.

 By then, the situation in Al-Andalus had deteriorated to it's lowest ebb since the days of  the Ta'ifa kings, and again, the screams for help, in every conceivable medium, were heard in Al-Maghrib, which prompted 'Abd al-Mu'min, the leader of Almohads to cross the straits in the year 1160. In no time Abd al-Mu'min was able to regain most of the Muslim footholds captured by the Christians and annexed the country to his state,
designating Seville as the capital of the Almohad province of Al-Andalus, where he installed his son Abu Ya'qub Yusuf as governor.

When Abdul-Mu'min died in the year 1162, he was succeeded by his son Abu Ya'qub Yusuf, the governor of Al-Andalus. Abu Ya'qub believed in his sacred duty to uphold the word of God and defend Islam.  He carried out regular campaigns  against the Christian territories but also encouraged construction activities throughout Al-Andalus.

Upon his death twenty years later, he was succeeded by his son Abu Yusuf Ya'qub Al-Mansur who reigned for fifteen years (1184-99) during which time the Almohad state reached its zenith.  Abu Yusuf too had glorious accomplishments in his jihad against the Christians of the north, the most important of which was the devastating battle of Al-Irk, Alarcos in the year 1195, where, it was said that the army of Alfonso VIII had lost one hundred thousand troops, in addition to tens of thousands of prisoners.

However, one of the greatest accomplishments of Abu Yusuf was the completion of the great mosque of Seville and the erection of it's eternal minaret, now known as La Giralda .

The Almohad era can rightly boast of being one of the most brilliant in the history of Al-Andalus from the cultural and scientific point of view.  The sponsorship and encouragement provided by the rulers to the scientists and intellectuals of the time was instrumental in bringing out the best of such brilliant scientists and thinkers like Ibn Tufayl, the famous philosopher, physician and poet, and author of Risalat Hay ibn Yaqzan (d, 1185); Ibn Rushd (Avveroes) (1126-1198), the great philosopher who brilliantly summarised and commented on the writings of Aristotle; Ibn Zuhr, the famous thinker and medical scientist (d.1198); Ibn Al-'Arabi al-Hatimi ,the famous soufi,(1165-1240) as well as Ibn Sab'ain ( d. 1270) and Al-Shushturi (d.1269) and others including many poets and scholars.

In the meanwhile, however, the Christians did not succumb to their overwhelming defeat in the battle of Alarcos, neither did they waste any time lamenting.  Their goal was clear.  The armistice they had agreed upon with the Muslims was vigorously utilised in the preparation for revenge, and the preparations were not restricted to pure military aspects.  An alliance was struck between Alfonso VIII of Castille and Pedro II of Aragon and help was sought from all the Christian kingdoms of Europe.  Even the Pope contributed towards what was developing into a crusade.

Finally the day of reckoning came in the year 1212, when the crusading Christian forces came to grips with the Muslim army in the battle of al-Iqab, (Las Navas de Tolosa), the result of which was a devastating defeat for the Muslims in spite of their valiant efforts to repel the gigantic armies of their enemy. It was said that out of the six hundred thousand Muslim troops participating in that battle, only one thousand survived. It was the last major battle in the history of the Muslim existence in the Iberian Peninsula.

For the Christians, there was to be no more retreat.  The thrust of the reconquista had established it's momentum.  The main Muslim centres fell successively: Mallorca in 1229, Cordoba in 1236, Valencia in 1238, Seville in 1248 and Murcia in 1269.

The Almohad state in Al-Andalus fell with the fall of Seville after having bestowed upon Al-Andalus, especially it's capital Seville, an aura of glory, with a remarkable political status, supported by a formidable naval force, and crowned with a brilliant cultural heritage. The Almohads take the credit of bestowing upon Al-Andalus the status of a great state to which many a diplomatic mission was sent from European countries including one by King Henry II of England  and one by King Sancho of Navarre.

However, with the fall of Seville and the Almohad state, the giant image of the great Muslim state was thinning into a pale shadow in the fading sun of their long long sunset.